Old 10-18-2009, 02:52 PM
ilbegone ilbegone is offline
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Here is a description of “youth” behavior in Denver which would be described by the Plan of Aztlan as “revolutionary” rather than criminal juvenile delinquency. There is also some “ethnic cleansing” of public employees at these parks, without detail provided how the previous employees were persuaded to quit their park jobs. It states that black employees were still employed at Mestizo park after the take over, but doesn't say how many or what percentage. There are descriptions of a night fight in the park between black and brown, exchanged gunfire, and gunfire directed towards a police car as well as housing units the next night.
This is just one account of the many sided story. Reading between the lines, I believe there is much left unsaid or favorably stated towards the narrator's side, and it doesn't seem there was a single incident of spontaneous eruption of resentment and violence between black and brown as the narration seems to suggest.
I wonder how many of the participants were actually drop outs instead of school attendees as described, and I wonder what the drop out and gang banging rate is now compared to the early 1970's.
From Vigil's book.
Quote:
LIBERATED TERRITORY: ALMA, MESTIZO, AND LA RAZA PARKS
Though law and order politics had the edge in the polls, activists continued to gain ground in the barrios. During the summer of 1970, young political activists and community residents took over the public swimming pool in the Northside's Columbus Park, a tactic patterned after the 1969 take over at Lincoln Park. The pool at Curtis Park was taken over in 1971, and the three parks were renamed La Raza Park, Alma Park, and Mestizo Park.... Though it lost influence over Alma Park in the early 1970's, the Crusade for Justice continued as the key influence at the East side and North Denver parks, which became centers of community organizing, leading to conflicts with local authorities.
Conflicts at Mestizo Park
Youth activists in the East side pressured employees at Curtis Park to quit their jobs in 1971, and replaced them with staff from the community. Among the new employees were Artie, Victor, and Tomas Ornelas, Danny Castro, Ray Zaragosa, Philip Miera, and others. The Mestizo Park takeover had led to unforeseen complications.
Chicano youths were well organized and highly politicized through their participation in school walk outs and involvement in the Berets and the Crusade for Justice. Though the African American community in the East side is larger than the Chicano community, Chicanos predominated in the immediate area of the park. African American youths were also employed at the park, but conflict arose when some resentful black youths felt that “the Mexicans had taken over”.
Community activists recall that some of the African American youths had recently moved to Denver from the Deep South or were staying with relatives during the summer months. Unfamiliar with Mexicans, some of these youths viewed Chicanos as dark white people.
In the summer of 1972, conflict escalated when Chicano youths reported that they had been assaulted or bullied by this particular group of youngsters. The park staff sought them out and told them both groups suffered discrimination and should get along peacefully. The staff reported that this attempt to forge unity was misinterpreted as weakness and fear. After another run in with these youths, the Chicanos challenged them to meet in the park to settle matters.
The twenty or so black youths who arrived that night found themselves outnumbered. Shots were exchanged, and one Chicano suffered a minor wound, reportedly from a rifle shot. The Chicano youths had small caliber pistols and missed their targets in the exchange of gunfire. Representatives of the black youths went to the park the next day saying they wanted to establish a “peace treaty”, The Chicanos responded that this is what they wanted before the violence escalated, but the previous night's incident had changed the situation. A Chicano was shot, while their rivals suffered no injury. The Chicano youths made a counter offer. Both groups were to show up that night. At the appointed hour of 9p.m., the black youngsters were told, they must, as a sign of good faith, shoot the first police car to pass through the Area. Chicanos would then join the battle.
Sporadic gunfire was heard during the day as Chicano youths shot out street lights. By nightfall two city blocks around the park were in complete darkness. Over a hundred Chicano youths from different barrios gathered in the darkened park.
Police cruised the area, but the 9p.m. Deadline passed without incident.A messenger was sent to inform the African Americans that the Chicanos would wait until 10 p.m. for action to be taken. People with police scanners monitored police communications, so youths in the park were aware that riot equipped police were congregating four blocks away and that the nearby fire station was in radio communication with the police to report developments.
The 10 p.m. Deadline also passed. A patrol wagon ventured into the area and was met with gunfire from Chicanos in the park. It quickly retreated. Many volleys of gunfire were then directed at the housing units in the nearby projects where the black youths lived. After 11 p.m. The police marched into the area, but found the park abandoned, thanks to police scanners.
No arrests were made. The next day organizers from the Crusade for Justice and the Black Panthers were called in to negotiate an end to the violence, and conflict between the two youth groups ended.
This isn't the end of general disorder and violence. There are dozens of fire bombings, gun battles with police, beatings, at least one stabbing, mob action, rocks and bottles thrown at police, property damage, at least one lawsuit by MALDEF, lots of violence of one sort or another.
40 YEARS OF CHICANO STUDIES
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